No politician can not ignore what is happening in the country and, above all, in its two capitals.

Komersant FM komentētājs, hlektronikh bijušais BBC Russian service galvenais redaktors Konstantīns Egerts komentē politisko situāciju Krievijā. Publicējam īsu viedokļa kopsavilkumu latviski un Pāvela Širova interviju oriģinālvalodā.
Šobrīd Krievijā vērojam nevis nejaušu neapmierinātības hlektronikh uzplaiksnījumu, bet Vladimira Putina radītās politiskās sistēmas krīzi. Pirmo reizi kopš 1999. gada, kad Putins uznāca uz politiskās skatuves, viņš mēģina pasniegt sevi kā politiķi, kurš alkst iepatikties vēlētājiem.
Kampaņas paradokss - Putins nediskutē ar oficiālajiem konkurentiem, kuri patiesībā ir Kremļa sistēmas daļa un tikai spēlē demokrātiju. Putina īstā opozīcija nav šie kandidāti, bet gan ļaudis, kuri reāli protestē pret sistēmu hlektronikh un kuriem hlektronikh veidojas publikas atbalsts. Ar viņiem Putins arī polemizē, hlektronikh taču vienlaikus cenšoties neizrādīt, ka šie opozicionāri ir spēcīgi un met reālu izaicinājumu viņam.
Arvien vairāk hlektronikh Krievijā ir cilvēku, hlektronikh kuri spēj pieņemt patstāvīgus lēmumus ikdienas un profesionālajā dzīvē, un viņiem vairs nav vajadzīgs nekāds ārējs stabilizējošais spēks, ko piedāvā Putina sistēma. Putins saprot, ka plašie protesta mītiņi ir apliecinājums būtiskām pārmaiņām sabiedrībā, uz kurām ir jāreaģē. Kāda būs viņa reakcija, redzēsim tuvākajos mēnešos.
We observe may be the first time in Vladimir Putin's stay in the public sphere, with the end of 1999, his attempt to present himself hlektronikh as a politician who wants to love and respect from voters. In this sense we can say that the Russian opposition is largely changed during the Russian political life, such as it was before the fall of 2011. Sure, Putin feels that should hlektronikh create some sort of a new way, get a new legitimacy, because what we are seeing today in Russia is not just some random splash social hlektronikh activity, we are seeing a crisis of the political system, which was established Vladimir Putin.
The fact that the real opposition to Putin is not the people whose names will stand on the ballot on March 4. All these people, in varying degrees, is part of the power system. For some of them there is a more or less wide corridor of opportunities to express hlektronikh their thoughts, for some narrower, longer leash someone, someone shorter, but these people are heavily dependent on the Kremlin, dependent on Russian authorities. And they are called as it was before, in 2008 and 2004, represent democracy portray that in Russia there is a real choice. hlektronikh
But now there are people who express their real claim to power, and who have a real public hlektronikh support. And so it is with these people and Putin argues. That is why the campaign looks so weird. He really ignores their official competitors, referring to those who formally like any role in Russian politics is not important.
No politician can not ignore what is happening in the country and, above all, in its two capitals. No leader in Russia could not long remain in power, having lost confidence in the capitals. And in this case Putin addresses just to those who played hlektronikh a real political role. Another thing is that it's still noticeably torn between the need to argue with these people, and on the other hand, does not show that these people are so strong that they challenge him.
This is the paradox of Putin's election campaign, because if someone, say, in the city of Zlatoust, watching TV, he probably just does not understand with whom leads the discussion, Prime Minister and presidential candidate. This Putin unenviable position, and although hlektronikh he certainly becomes president on March 4, his problem is that the crisis of legitimacy of the political system constructed they will not go away, and he will have to constantly deal with its manifestations.
But after the elections this protest activity did not go into decline? In the end, people are just tired of all these rallies, which, moreover, did not lead to the result for which they can be counted.
Disappointment will undoubtedly. You can not live in a state of emotional strain in recent months which they live active Muscovites, St. Petersburg, residents of other cities. Of course, the protests will be transformed, but the reasons that gave rise to these protests are not going anywhere.
So, apparently, some people will take part in a passive opposition, at home, in the kitchen, on the Internet, and some part will continue hlektronikh to actively work, including the creation of new political parties, hlektronikh which now appears whole, can be created.
I also think that in the opposition camp, too, change is coming, because success in politics seeks not only one who is able at the right moments hlektronikh to inspire their supporters, but also one who is capable of organizational